The Media and the El Niño phenomenon :

 

(See Appendix B for chronology of media coverage of forecast information)

 

 

In May of 1997, radios and newspapers began to announce the possible arrival of El Niño. Specialists held meetings and there was extensive press coverage in Piura in the second half of May. The pubic took notice when SENAMHI officially forecast El Niño on June 6 of 1997 (see APPENDIX B for a detailed chronology of media coverage of climate forecast information).

 

In order to understand the stance of the media regarding the El Niño phenomenon, it is first necessary to consider three issues. First, Peru is extremely centralized - a topic that we have already mentioned, and we will now emphasize. Lima, the capital of the country, has eleven times more inhabitants than Arequipa, the second city. Likewise, the economy is so centralized that bank deposits in Cusco, a high profile department in the country's interior, barely reach 1% of the deposits in San Isidro, one of the more opulent districts of the city of Lima.

 

Secondly, we must keep in mind that the weather in Lima is very stable and very boring. There never are extraordinary events and, although humid, it is always basically temperate throughout the year. It never rains: no thunder or hailstorms or hurricanes or any event to stir human curiosity. Consequently, the press has no interest in the weather. In other latitudes there is keen interest in the weather due to the occurrence of meteorological events of short duration and high impact. Given the high degree of centralism, the apathy in Lima regarding the weather is reflected in the media in general. In spite of the enormous diversity in the country, the decisions of the programming executives are weighted in favor of the sparse weather culture of the audiences in Lima.[1]

 

In contrast with the high quality of weather programs in other countries, our lack of interest in the weather has made our underdevelopment in this area evident. Weather reporting in Lima is a minor and unelaborated subject.

 

A third element that must be considered is: the political value of El Niño and the intense partisan struggle that it unleashed. In effect, the government tried to showcase the efficiency of its plans and highlight its efforts, while the opposition pointed out the opposite. The opposition media characterized the government's plans to deal with the very serious threat of El Niño as weak and flawed. The official media, in stark contrast, published the same news headlining the speed and notable efficiency of the government. The political posturing of the media, on both sides, relegated the scientific and engineering realities surrounding this issue to the back seat. Inevitably, political considerations had a major impact on strategic decisions regarding El Niño.

 

A lot of media coverage, often contradictory, was given to El Niño during the preventive phase, between June and December 1997. A multitude of experts engaged in a somewhat confused public debate on the weather. The topic was the magnitude of the coming rains. The entire country was listening in on the debate between the scientists, including the elite and the decisions makers, on this increasingly important matter. The memory of the highly destructive “Mega Niño” of 1983 was still fresh in their minds, and the concerns of the public and of the government were justified.

 

SENAMHI was right as to the total magnitude of the rains, but they overestimated their duration, having predicted that they would begin earlier and would finish later. On the other hand, the Geophysical Institute of Peru (IGP) led by Ronald Woodman, along with IMARPE, optimistically predicted a moderate El Niño without dramatic climatic alterations. This state of affairs thoroughly confused public opinion. None of the official scientific institutions got it completely right. The confusion of the experts accounts for some of the media's inability to depict the future course of events with any clarity. In spite of the fact that the IGP was better prepared in the area of weather forecasting, it was SENAMHI that accurately forecasted the magnitude of the rains that, after all, was really the most important subject.

 

Exasperated by the complexity of the debate on the intensity of the future rains, in September 1997, the executive branch reacted. President Alberto Fujimori ordered the state-sponsored scientific institutions to speak through one official spokesman. It was agreed that ENFEN would be the only entity authorized to release an official opinion on behalf of the government.

 

This debate bombarded the public with scientific opinion and speculation. The focus of the debate was correct, because it was important to forecast as accurately as possible when and where the rain would fall, how much, etc. The problem was that the debate was limited to abstract scientific speculation, without embracing the concrete problems facing the citizenry. The citizenry did not receive guidance on what to do to protect itself under any of the scenarios contemplated by the experts. During the preventive phase, the scientists were not focused on formulating practical advice for families. They took refuge in their theories, many of which did not agree with each other.

 

Television coverage improved during the course of El Niño. In December 1997, a TV program directed by Abraham Levy and broadcast from America Satel used visual techniques showing weather variations over time, a first for Peruvian television even though it is widely used in North America.[2]

 

During El Niño, America Satel leapfrogged even the official meteorological agencies. Levy showed satellite images in motion. These images can be downloaded at no cost in Peru. A software package allows these images to be serialized and projected on television. Thanks to this, America Satel had up-to-date imagery on the rains and their progress.

 

The America Satel experience demonstrates that TV has the technical means to make weather information available, and it could offer very attractive weather programming which would be particularly welcome in the provinces. This has not yet happened, however, because everything revolves around Lima. Not only is the government centralist, but so are the national television networks. Perhaps the advertisers, aware that the only significant Peruvian market is in the capital, orient program production to more lucrative ends. Unfortunately then, these improvements have not been continued. Two years after El Niño, the entire effort that went into meteorological programming on television has returned to the unattractive flat format.

 

According to Lourdes Palacios, information manager for the "24 Hours" news program of Panamericana Television, prior to the 1997-98 Niño the weather was not news. Only the irruption of this extraordinary event was able to change attitudes for a while. Now, with the event behind us, there has been a return to the usual monotony. The owners of the TV networks believe that the low ratings do not justify the cost of making good and dynamic weather programs.[3]

 

This bias toward the extraordinary in the selection and treatment of information is one of the key characteristics of Peruvian TV. It is newsworthy only if it translates into higher ratings. This attitude dominates the decision makers in the media and naturally determines the treatment of weather-related news. This explains the scarcity of programs and journalists specialized in the weather. In Lima there is no dramatic weather to feed into this conception that is so prevalent in most TV stations.

 

In Peruvian TV, excepting the short episode with America Satel, all of the meteorological information that was issued from the preventive phase of El Niño remained bottled up in a somewhat fruitless trilogy. That triad was made up of the flat news format, the confused debate on the magnitude of the rains, and the sensationalist intent of the producers.

 

The radio-listening audience is quite large in Peru, especially in the blue-collar sectors. In a survey carried out by the Institute of Peruvian Studies (IEP) it was found that 74% of the Peruvian workers from these sectors regularly turned to the radio as a source of information. The same survey found that 82% of the workers watched TV frequently as a source of information. The audiences are thus pretty even, making it clear that both media compete and that radio has not lost its vitality.

 

When it comes to news, the blue-collar audience in Peru tunes in very narrowly. When asked which radio station they got information on El Niño from, fully 60% of the people interviewed by the IEP answered “Radio Programas del Peru” (RPP). The rest of the audience prefers “Cadena Peruana de Noticias,” (CPN), “Radio Cadena” and other minor stations.[4]

 

The radio programs dedicated to El Niño were a mixed bag; nevertheless, they were usually more interesting than those seen on television. There were interesting spots during El Niño, but this has not fostered the formation of permanent programs dealing with the weather, its variations, or its economic and social effects. These radio broadcasts featured reports and interviews and call-in segments that allowed the public to talk directly with the experts. The abundance of these talk shows and call-in segments gave the listening audience a sense of participation in the process. However, as in the case of America Satel on TV, the increased creativity during the crisis did not carry over into permanent weather programs on the radio.

 

The press is a singular domain whose rules are, in part, different from those that govern TV and radio. Excepting the so-called  “chicha” dailies, most of the newspapers are directed to the middle class. The influence of the press, therefore, is of key importance in that it targets diverse elites, albeit lacking reach into the larger population mass.

 

In keeping with their own journalistic traditions, the newspapers in Lima had different approaches to El Niño. Pictures and diagrams emphasized the visual. “El Comercio” published pictures proper to the Internet era. This was the main innovation of the press, an appropriate use of images that created a visual experience for the public. This visual experience is what has remained in our memory representing the dynamic El Niño.

 

We must also consider the effect of the lack of specialized journalists or of regular sections in the newspapers. Although “El Comercio” has a Spartan weather section, in the other dailies it is nonexistent. The weather is not featured regularly in the political press like “La Republica” or “Expreso,” or in the newspapers that focus on the economy, like “Gestion” and “Sintesis.” You will not find anywhere in the written media, not even in “El Comercio,” news on the weather, other than a daily note containing a terse communiqué from SENAMHI.

 

The experience of the last El Niño burst upon a communications media ill-prepared to handle weather-related news, suddenly taking on major proportions. When this happened, El Niño became headline news for almost two years, even though it was highly politicized. In the end, however, it did not bear permanent fruit: Peru continues to be without professional reporting of meteorological issues in the news media.



[1] The first scientific study of the climate in Lima is the 18th century work by Hipolito Unanue: Observaciones sobre el clima de Lima y sus influencias, Barcelona, La Académica, 1914.

 

[2] A preliminary overview of the role the media played during the 1997-98 El Niño can be found in “Medios de comunicacion, sensacionalismo o doctrina” by Angela Zelada, Prevención, año 5, # 11, mayo 1998.                           

 

[3]   Interview of Lourdes Palacios in Lima, August 1998.

[4] The Instituto de Estudios Peruanos conducted a survey in six coastal cities immediately after the 1997-98 El Niño.